One morning in August 2022 I was at my desk doing something
or other. The phone rang. Sometimes I ignore such calls from unknown numbers.
But this time I decided to answer. I was polite as usual. I was being offered a
mobile phone contract. I explained I was currently paying about £10 for a
pay-as-you-go per month contract, having come to the end of my previous
contract. Of course, I could have continued with the current arrangement. It
was a case of ‘it’s not broken’ so I didn’t need to fix it. But clearly I
After a minute or so of the initial sale conversation, I was
passed to a colleague who then began to talk me through the phone contract. He
went into some detail. After a few minutes I began to get impatient. I just
wanted to get back to whatever I had been doing before the call. It was also
time to go for my coffee break. During this period of impatience, I probably
stopped listening to what I was being told. I do remember agreeing to pay just
over £10 per month for a three-year contract. I quickly signed a contract and
went for my coffee break.
About a month later, out of the blue, I received £70 into
our bank account. I did not understand where this had come from or why. In
investigating this I was told by the phone company, OneCom, that this amount
was a refund towards my monthly bill, which would be about £80. When I
expressed confusion about this it was explained that there was ‘discount’
‘investment’ of £70 which I would receive for the first 17 months. This raised
a question in my mind: what about after 17 months? (as this was a 36 month
contract). When I queried the whole arrangement with an agent of the company
they extended the ‘discount’ to 24 months.
I explained the full episode to
my wife and business partner. I was expecting her to say how stupid I had been
or worse. But all she managed was to say words to the effect of “ah well, no
one has died”. Very true.
I began to think: what about the last 12 months? A couple of
months later it was explained in an email that after 24 months I will have the
option of entering a further 36 months contract, with a new discount I presume.
However, if I did not wish to enter into a new contract then my discount would
end, leaving me to pay an additional £70 per month for the remaining 12 months.
In an email, a representative of OneCom stated that “I fully appreciate
our discount is not the norm”. This made me think: if it is not normal
then surely they should have explained the whole think in a more explicit way
instead of not even mentioning the word ‘discount’ before I signed the
contract, especially as it was going to lead me to pay the additional £70 per
month for 12 months. Had they explained the discount arrangement I would not
have signed the contract.
So, how am I feeling about all this? Frustrated, angry,
stupid, bit of an idiot…. The word depression may be too strong but I was
definitely low. I so wanted to turn the clock back so I could undo the whole
business. I did not need a new contract. I was fine as I was. But, as they say,
‘it was water under the bridge’. I had signed on the dotted line. I was stuck.
For a £10 a month contract I was either stuck with the company for life (by
signing a new contract every 24 months) or having to pay an extra £70 per month
for the final 12 months; a total of £840.
I live in the present normally. But this was ruining that by
taking me into the future. I kept thinking about what would happen after 18
months or 24 months. Do I want to wait till then or do I terminate the contract
now? Of course if I took the latter option I would have to pay them even more
money, for early cancellation.
Throughout these three or four months I constantly emailed
the company. Back and forth. Always polite exchanges, with their customer
services people and the secretary of the CEO, who I had tracked down and linked
up on LinkedIn.
How I felt was made worse by me reading horror stories on
the internet from other customers with OneCom. So, now I am thinking (isn’t
hindsight wonderful): why didn’t I look up the company before I signed the
The frustration and the feeling low (pretty low, for a
person who is normally glass half-full) continued. It was all-consuming. I
would think about it all my waking hours, especially those moments in the
middle of the night when I was trying to go back to sleep.
Of course, as a man of faith I was praying all the time, for
God to intervene, to do something, do anything to help. Was he listening to
what I was saying? Along the way I was
able to describe the whole episode to the two guys from our church with whom I
meet every fortnight to share what is going on in our lives and pray for each
other. I remember saying how stupid I felt. To this I was told by one of the
men: don’t say that; you are not stupid.
Then, one day I heard God speak to me; very clearly, as
clear as I am about sitting here now writing this blog…. I had just finished my
hospital chaplaincy ward round and was sitting there in the waiting room so I
could have my Covid jab. At the time, like most days I was having another very
LOW moment. Just then I audibly heard a voice which I took to be from God,
saying: I’ve got this. So, now God was saying he had heard me, he knew what was
going on and he will sort it. Did that help? A little. But I still wanted to go
back in time to not make (the stupid) mistake.
I considered writing to the BBC Watchdog. I contacted
Citizens Advice. I considered writing the full story and name and shame the
company…. I tried my best to persuade OneCom, their CEO, his secretary, their
customers service….. I considered writing to my Member of Parliament.
I then decided to complain to OfCom. But it turned out that OneCom
were not within their jurisdiction but had their own Complaints System. This
did not give me much hope. I didn’t think this would be a system that would
give me a fair hearing. Still I tried them. I wrote the full story. They
considered whether I had a case for them to take on. They did think I had a
case and that they would take it up on my behalf.
My main case was that because the ‘discount’ and its likely
end at 24 months had not been made clear to me when I first signed the contract,
I wished to terminate the contract, without having to pay any termination
charges. Alternatively, I was happy to continue with the contract if the £70
discount was extended to the full 36 months of the full duration of the
contract. I also explained to the Adjudicator that I had signed the contract in
good faith, based on the phone sales conversation, but without reading the
small print of the contract which did explain the ‘discount’. In summary, I was
of the view that it was a 36 month contract and I would pay just over £10 per
I waited for the decision by the Adjudicator. They took a
few weeks before reaching their decision. I expected bad news. So, I began to
prepare for it. Occasionally I would remind myself of what God had promised. It
helped a little, to get me through my days.
The Adjudicator decided in my favour. They instructed the
company to terminate my contract, after making sure that, over the 8 months
duration of the contract I only pay £10.70 per month. I was owed over a £100
which I was pleased to have refunded.
There was a bonus! The month following the resolution of my
case, I received my normal £70 discount. I wrote to the company to inform them
of this, expecting they would expect a refund. They didn’t. Instead they wrote
to me to say I could keep the money. But then the same happened the month
after. Again I wrote to them to inform them of this discount money. I did not
hear from them. So, I ended up benefiting from £140. By this time I had a new
phone contract with a different company which was below £10 a month. Moreover, my
OneCom contract had come free membership of Amazon Prime. I have tried to
cancel this but have not been able to. So, I continue to have this free
membership and probably will have it for 36 months.
The episode has renewed my faith in our systems, such as,
I have learnt that next time someone phones me to sell me
something I shall be less trusting and less quick to enter into a contract.
And, maybe, next time God says, “I’ve got this”, I will be
In 2013 I published the book Dear Birmingham which drew attention to the exclusion of Pakistanis from opportunities and centres of power across Birmingham. Since then, further research has been conducted which has shown continued exclusion of the community. The focus here is on Birmingham City Council and the health services in the city.
Drawing on Birmingham City Council 2011 data, 24% of the school children were Pakistani. This percentage will have increased since then. According to local health data, Pakistanis had the largest number of pregnancies which provides a clear indicator of population.
Pakistanis consistently had the highest rate of infant mortality of all Asian subcategories.
Pakistani women are the least active of all ethnicities, men not much better.
Pakistani men, almost three times as likely as the general population to have type 2 diabetes
Pakistani women five times more likely to be diabetic when compared with the women in the general population
Pakistani children, ages 10-11, have higher prevalence of obesity; also children 4-5 years of age with the same problem
49.9% of Pakistani mothers were in consanguineous relationships.
Birmingham City Council Employment
According to the Birmingham Stephen Lawrence Commission Report
(2001) the Council had previously set and achieved a 20% target for employing
ethnic minorities. The Council then decided to set differentiated targets, in
proportion to the population. For their Pakistani workforce the Annual
Improvement Target (2001/2002) was 6.9%. I have monitored the progress of this
target over the years through Freedom of Information, as follows:
Birmingham City Council Pakistani workforce over the years
2023 6.99% (the 2001/2002 target). This is against the Pakistani presence in the population of 17%.
Pakistanis in the health system
Through Freedom of Information, I have collected the following
picture of Pakistanis as registered patients, in the health workforce and on
The Trust has no strategy targeted at
any singular ethnicity in its workforce, including the Board. But the Trust is
committed to a representative workforce with inclusive leadership. To support
this, we have various work streams to increase the representation of BME staff
at Band 8a above. This includes Band 8a assurance framework, positive action
for underrepresented groups, and equality statement on Trust job adverts. In
addition, the Possibilities Beyond Limits programme is in place to support BME
colleagues to progress. This work is focused on BME staff and not one sole
ethnic group. We provide inclusive leadership training to all senior managers
on Band 6 and above, in addition to cultural competence training.
Positive Action is covered in our Equality Strategy
(slide 26), and EDI Policy.
The ICB do not specifically target action at
individual ethnic origin categories, such as Asian Pakistani but take a wider
view where there is under-representation of minority ethnic groups at a
particular pay band.
The ICB is working towards the NHS requirements, set
out in the Workforce Race Equality Standard Model Employer paper, published in
January 2019, this sets out an ambition to increase black and minority ethnic
representation at all levels of workforce by 2028.
Our positive action work covers all levels of the
target Pakistanis in the workforce – pipeline strategy
Pakistanis on the Boards and all decision-making structures
making structures to include multilingual strategies such as interpreters (in
Mirpuri/Pahari, Pashto), especially for women.
health practitioners’ group (sub-groups such as Kashmiri, Pashtun) to feed
intelligence and expertise into the system.
sub-groups on health (e.g. Kashmiri, Pashtun) in order to understand the needs
and provide a culturally competent health service.
type approach to Pakistani community, in partnership with authorities such as
Bradford whose ‘Born in Bradford’ study offers a model for work on
consanguinity which was flagged up as a Birmingham problem.
profile to be produced for the largest of the Pakistani communities, the Kashmiri
Birmingham City Council should take
urgent action to rectify the unacceptable imbalance between the Pakistani
population and Pakistani origin employees in the Council.
Professor Muhammad Anwar, Birmingham Pakistan Forum report 20-21 April 1996.
the 1990s I was an established equality practitioner and the term diversity had
just been coined. My livelihood depended on my work; family to feed, mortgage and
bills to pay and the like. As a paid-up member of the Labour Party, there was a
time when I wondered if the Tory Party came calling for advice whether I would
sell my expertise to them. This was when they had selected a Black candidate
for the blue seat of Cheltenham.
remember thinking at the time that if the Tories sorted their racism they would
do well given the many potential candidates like Taylor amongst the ethnic
minorities. That was then. The Tories did manage to get there, without my
advice. In fact, alongside the women-only shortlists which brought many women
into Parliament for the Labour Party benches, the conscious way the Tories set
out to bring in ethnic minorities to arrive at their current position offers an
example of good equalities recruitment practice. So, you would think that those
of us who campaign for ethnic minority representation would be pleased. Whether
we are or not depends on our politics. What the exercise has told us is that
representation is not the only thing matters. We are (and should be) also
concerned with what the representatives do once they get there. We are even
learning that some ethnic minority Tories are even worse than White because of
their use of their own ethnicity as a weapon to bring in even nastier policies.
problem is not just in Parliament. After years of campaigning when I recently
reported that a particular education board in Birmingham was no longer 100
percent White because of its three ethnic minority candidates someone raised
the point: let’s hope they are the right ethnic minorities.
before the highly ethnically diverse Tory leadership list, the education
campaigner Rosemary Campbell-Stephens advised us to go ‘beyond representation’
(in the Colin Diamond Birmingham Book 2022). In her view representation alone
was not enough. We should also ask: leadership for what purpose and in whose
Does having a more diverse leadership in itself change
What difference does it make if the training and the
professional socialisation that Black and other Global Majority educators receive,
the institutional culture of which they become a part and the systems and
processes they operate are identical to their white counterparts?
Representation matters but is never sufficient on its own. We have to look beyond to assess the behaviour of the representatives and the positive difference they make to addressing inequalities. To quote Lord Simon Wolley, we need “principled, all community serving politicians who won’t pander to prejudice to elevate themselves” ; “ethical leadership, not just ethnicity”.
Extracts from the book
Dear Birmingham (2013) by Dr Karamat Iqbal
“In 1986, Birmingham City Council, a major
West Midlands employer, with 50,000 full and part-time workers, decided as part
of its positive action programme, that its aim would be to recruit 20% of new
staff from ethnic minority communities” (Employment Report, Commission for Racial
Equality, 1987). In launching the programme Councillor Bill Gray said:
“What we are saying is that from now on, regardless of
other considerations, 20 per cent of recruiting must come from ethnic
minorities. We are going to monitor recruitment and managers will have to
explain if they have not recruited 20 per cent. It is no good just talking of
being committed to an equal opportunities process- we have to demonstrate that
we mean what we say.” Bill
Then, in 2001,
the Birmingham Stephen Lawrence Commission Report said:
“The institutions should take steps to ensure that
they address the current under-representation of minority ethnic people in
their employment. All institutions should establish workforce targets based on
the current minority ethnic population of the city…You can performance manage
so many things, why can’t you performance manage race?” Lawrence
“If public services are to be effective in responding
to more diverse needs, then a pre-requisite is to ensure that their workforce
profiles are truly reflective of (the) diversity.” Lawrence
Others have agreed with the approach:
workforces are seen as effective workforces and if you are going to provide
culturally competent and sensitive services then you need staff who can connect
with the communities that they serve”– BRAP
Solomos and Les Back, in their book about the City (Race, Politics and Social
Change, 1995), pointed out that Birmingham has been very successful with regard
to writing policies and presenting an image of itself as an authority that is
in the forefront of developing race equality policies. However, it has not been
as good at making sure that race equality initiatives are embraced at all
levels within the organisation. The authors quote a Black officer saying: “We
have created a façade that race relations have been strengthened. We go all
around Europe, host conferences blowing Birmingham’s trumpet but the reality of
the situation is very different…” (p191).
But, it would appear that it is not all
window-dressing. There is much good practice from the past that we can learn
from. I thought this Birmingham political leader, quoted in Solomos and Back,
summed up my thinking on positive action:
“..If you have a history of under-representation
you’ve got to do something at some point to catch up, but I am against the
dropping of standards. I think what you’ve got to do is remove any other and
illegitimate obstacles, personal racism of a superior within a department or
something of that sort, overt discrimination. Remove that so that people can
compete fairly. What I wouldn’t do is remove competition.”
“It is very well making policy pronouncements, but you
have to take it much further than this. It is just not enough to have fine
pieces of paper… In employment, for example, you need to take a whole view…. If
you recruit ten black people and ten years later they are in the same position,
that’s not equality” Black Officer
As a policy response, we could do worse
than refer to the 1984 manifesto commitment of Birmingham Labour Party. As
pointed out in Solomos and Back, it committed the incoming administration to
seek to achieve “proportionate employment of ethnic minorities.. at all
levels.” It committed the Council to take Positive Action to ensure that
there is equality of opportunity for ethnic minorities in all its initiatives.
As a result, the City Council successfully pursued a target of twenty per cent
ethnic minority employees, under the leadership of Bill Gray who is quoted
Following this, there was writing of equal
opportunities criteria into the performance contracts of senior managers. The
Chief Officers of service departments made regular reports to the Personnel and
Equal opportunities Committee (though this resulted in some “embarrassed and heated exchanges with members, it worked”). The
“situation had been transformed radically.” By 1993, the
ethnic minority presence in the City’s workforce had reached 15.4%, with a
“number of departments approaching the target 20 per cent minority employment
and some have completely transformed their ethnic composition.”
The earlier rules about Positive Action – in place since the Sex
Discrimination Act 1975 and the Race Relations Act 1976 – have now been
changed. In the past, it was limited to training or encouragement such as
mentoring schemes for ethnic minority or women staff where they were
under-represented at certain levels within an organisation or needed additional
Under the recent Equality Act 2010, it is now legal to recruit or
promote a candidate (say a Pakistani) who is of equal merit to another
candidate. However, before this can be done the employer has to reasonably think that Pakistanis are under-represented in the
workforce and they suffer from a disadvantage due to being a Pakistani. For example, a service for
teenagers has no employees who are Pakistani, despite being located in an area
of high Pakistani population. When a vacancy arises, there are two candidates
who are equally qualified for the job and the employer has to find a way to
choose one of them. One candidate is Pakistani and the other candidate is not.
Under the current law, it would be legal to offer the job to the Pakistani and
the other candidate would not be able to make a claim of unlawful racial
In my view, the new Positive Action rules offer us as a city a way
forward. However, I would not suggest that a few organisations take such an
approach in isolation from each other. Thinking of our city as one big business, Birmingham Plc, which is faced with
across-the-board under-representation of ethnic minorities (more of some than
others) I would like to propose a wholesale programme of Positive Action,
properly resourced and co-ordinated and with one clear focus: to improve the
situation in employment and service provision.
It was in 1983 that we went to Paris, for our honeymoon. It was 13 years since I had arrived in England from Kashmir, speaking only a little English, now nearly a graduate with a Bachelor of Education.
Unlike me, the woman I had married had gone to a grammar school and had learnt some French. So, other than saying ‘sorry’ and ‘thank you’ during our time there I was able to hide behind her whenever it came time to communicate with the locals.
During that visit we both fell in love with France and would return there for holidays every few years. Each time we went I felt embarrassed, almost ashamed, for my inability to speak French.
Then about 20 years ago I took the radical step to eventually start to learn the language, with the help of a teacher friend. Every week I would have a half hour lesson with him. Then, in between the lessons, I would get on with my normal life, in its English-speaking environment and forget any French words and phrases I had learnt.
Then it suddenly dawned on me; here I was learning a new language and failing while at the same time I continued to forget the language(s) I did know once ie Urdu and Pahari.
I then remembered the advice of a teacher when I first arrived in England. She had said: if you want to improve your English then read, read, read as much as you can. I thought to myself: if that works for English then it must work for any language.
I decided to subscribe to the Urdu weekly paper, The Nation. In the 7 days before the next one arrived I used to read all of it – news of the politics in Pakistan and Kashmir, social matters in the UK, adverts including for marriage and anything and everything else that was there. In the early days I struggled but then I began to notice the improvement. Interestingly as I read Urdu it began to improve my spoken Pahari.
After cancelling my newspaper subscription, I have continued to read regularly, a forever increasing list of well-written Urdu books and articles that have content that is of interest. Whereas before I would read and re-read old favourites; Kashmir udaas hai by Mahmood Hashmi, Shahaab Nama, book on the achievements of Muhammad Ajeeb by Yaqub Nizami and numerous Manto books.
Then, thanks to a Facebook friend, I recently discovered a book by Syed Shabbir Ahmad: Observations and Impressions. What an excellent story teller; with a Manto-esque style of writing as well his selection of material. The detail he provides and the emotions he captures leaves one with the stories and their characters for days to come as if one had personally been there.
My reading journey of his work began with Radio Bachpan. Here we learn about the arrival of the radio, in 1965, from his Vilayati (Blighty, England return) uncle.
I remember the family would gather at teatime and listen to the covered in cloth radio given pride of place on the table. We children used to wonder how it was that a human being had gotten inside the machine to then talk and sing to us.
We would go to school and brag about our prized possession. Upon return from school I would run straight to my uncles to enjoy this innovative piece of equipment. A few years later when my father bought our own radio I remember family members cautioned him that it might interfere with our education.
It was very helpful to see included in the book a chapter on Mahmood Hashmi; a timely opportunity to have confirmed my existing knowledge (as well acquire some new detail) on him before I write a chapter on this man known as the Father of Urdu journalism in the UK.
In the story where he promises his mother not to cry, my particular interest focused on sections that provide an insight into the daily routine of women and families. Recently I happened to have read Gupta’s ‘Embers the Beginning and Embers the End of Mirpur’ which described the horrors of Partition. So I welcomed the feel-good story of Muslims coming to the aid of Hindus.
The writer also draws on his work as a taxi driver in a number of places. A few years ago I wanted to set up a project to gather Taxi Tales. It never came to fruition. I would encourage him to maybe write that book in order to share with us the world and insights of people in this trade which has working within it as many as 25 percent British Pakistani workers.
There is ‘People who love are in the West too’. As someone who has only lived in the West, I can only agree.
Although I have had knowledge of the British education for over 50 years (as a pupil, teacher, teacher trainer, schools adviser, parent, governor) it was nevertheless enjoyable reading this ‘outsider’ perspective in the chapter devoted to our education system.
Last but not least, is the chapter: A girl is born. This took me back to my early days in Kashmir and then in England. Being the only son in a family of 6 and later an uncle to 4 girls, I learnt the appalling treatment of girls in our families. I am always keen to promote gender equality whenever I get a chance. We see the writer also challenging the ways of our community. He has written a couple of stories about daughters. In one he gives out mathaaee sweets. A colleague enquires what the occasion is to which he responds: birth of a daughter. The enquiry continues: the first? “No, the second” he says, leaving his colleague confused as such practice usually only happens at the birth of a son. Later, in the same story, when he said goodbye to his daughter at the hostel so she could attend medical college, it brought back tearful moments when we left our first-born at her university. In another story we learn about another’s daughter being allowed to marry the man of her choice. I could only wish her well and say to her parents: good on you to allow her to do so.
I strongly urge you to read this gem of a book.
I am sad I never mastered French. Occasionally we have talked about going to France on an extended holiday and immersing ourselves in their language. Dreams do become reality. One day!
was born in Kashmir, in the 1950s. There were very few education opportunities
there. There was one primary school, serving a population of a few thousand
children. It was about a half hour walk away. It had one teacher. There were
two items of furniture: the teacher’s chair and a blackboard. We sat on the
dusty floor, writing on wooden boards known as takhtis. Each class had a
Monitor, to act as a Teacher’s Assistant. I was one such pupil, almost from day
one. I loved learning and often came top in the exams.
five years there I moved to the secondary school, over an hour’s walk away.
This had a few more teachers and a wider curriculum. This included languages
other than Urdu. For the first time I encountered Arabic, Farsi and English.
After two years here my parents decided to send me to England, to live with my
older sister and her husband. They had concluded that I would have more
opportunities in my new home. How right they were. All my achievements (there
are numerous) over the 50 years that have followed came about because of that
decision and their sacrifice, to part with their 12-year-old son.
England, I attended a local Secondary Modern. This served a mainly white
working-class community which was in the early stages of becoming multicultural.
Many of the local children had jobs lined up where their dads and mums worked
so they thought they did not need qualifications. This was true in those days,
but not for long. The Kashmiri and other minority children had a similar
attitude to qualifications. I was an exception.
three years at the school, at 16, with a couple of good CSEs, I left to get a
job and stand on my own two feet. I was glad the school leaving age had been
raised. The extra year made all the difference for me. That was in 1974.
years ago (2017), I completed my PhD, from Warwick University. Through this I
have earned the right to use the title ‘Dr’. As well as publishing my thesis in
book form I have begun to encourage others to take similar qualifications. The
following is an example of this; a comment from a Pakistani contact who I am
mentoring as he moves nearer to doing his own PhD:
am deeply inspired by you. In your work you have focused on issues that are
important to me. Our last conversation, about me doing a PhD, was an
illustration of you giving your time to up and coming people. I admire who you
are and your writing. Seeing someone like you, with the experiences you’ve had
and your writing . . . inspires me. I can see myself as someone who can do the
same because you’ve done it. Thank you so much.
what is the story in between these stages of my life?
With the help of the school’s careers officer I managed to get a job as an Admin. Trainee at a local factory. What sold this job to me was the promise of a day-release, to continue my education. This was the start of my relationship with the world of further education. Between this and my second employer, where I worked as a Youth Work Trainee, amounted to six years of post-16 study. I now had the required O and A-levels to gain entry to higher education, for my first degree. I would not have reached this point without the transformative power of FE, for which I shall be eternally grateful. Here, it is worth mentioning the mature student’s grant I was able to access. Without this, there would have been no higher education.
next phase of my life, relevant here, was my thirteen years as a middle manager
at a post-16 community college. Alongside my role as a DeputyDirector of Equal
Rights and Opportunities Management Unit, I was attracted to working in the
department that provided qualifications for mature students who had left school
with few or no qualifications. Utilising my own experience, I designed an
Access to HE course in Youth Studies. The students were from disadvantaged
backgrounds; ethnic minorities, white, single parents, those who disliked
school or who the school disliked. But now all of them had a deep desire for
learning and self-improvement. What they needed was another chance. FE, particularly
this college, whose aim was to serve the needs of deprived communities, came to
their rescue. Naturally, I saw myself in my students’ life trajectories.
the college merged with another and the new institution had no place for me. So
I took voluntary redundancy. I soon discovered that this was nothing new in our
world, even though it seemed tragic personally. So, the key question I asked
myself was: what was I capable of doing? It seemed quite a lot by this time,
thanks to my experience and education, which by this time included a master’s
degree. Instead of becoming unemployed, I became self-employed. I set up a
consultancy, with its own website, and began to get work, some fairly
Soon after, I undertook a project, to research and champion the educational needs of white disadvantaged young people. With the help of the local MP, the findings were taken to Parliament. At such moments I invariably and proudly remembered my young self who had left school with hardly any qualifications. It was also a reminder of what difference (second chance) education can make. Later, I was to make a case for a joined-up approach to the education of the young people who underachieved at school and who needed a ‘cradle to grave’ educational strategy.:
need to enable our early years practitioners, school staff, colleges,
universities and a range of other community organisations and individuals to
work together for a single goal in addressing their needs. Their work will not
happen without the systemic change, and the associated resourcing.
the above research, I did my PhD, where my focus has been the educational
underachievement of British Pakistani boys, in Birmingham (2018). This has
shown that over 1,000 young people from this community leave school each year
without the benchmark qualifications.
reflecting on my own life’s personal and professional journey, what should our
further education provision look like? In short, this should be lifelong,
cradle to grave. All stages and types of education – early years, schools,
adult education, universities, formal and informal – should be joined-up and be
accountable to their communities, whose needs the provision should be focused
on. There should always be Positive Action, that is, greatest investment for
those with the greatest need. Everyone should have a learning account, with a
deposit of money from the government, to be used whenever, bearing in mind not
everyone is able to gain access to university nor is such provision suitable
for or wanted by all. There should be a duty placed on employers to provide
ongoing learning opportunities for their employees.
I have experienced two redundancies. On both occasions I was able to pick myself up and not just survive but thrive. The end of job-for-life is even more a likely reality for the future generations. Melissa Benn (2018) reminds us: ‘In order to get ahead or even just to survive, tomorrow’s workers will have to be entrepreneurial, good communicators, globally aware, thrive in solo work . . . and skilled in teams’. She also quoted Theresa May, promising when she took office in July 2016 in these words: ‘We will do everything we can to help anybody, whatever your background, to go as far as your talents will take you.’ If such promises were made good, in relation to lifelong learning, the future of our nation could indeed be bright.
By Tanveer Zaman Khan (translated from Urdu by Dr Karamat Iqbal)
Pakistani society women are treated as a symptom of all that is bad. Even
worse, men are seen as inherently good and whose corruption is blamed on women.
Women are the temptress who use their obscene bodies to lead the innocent man
astray. In fairy tales and myths and legends women are presented as witches and
ghosts; to be avoided. This creates a most horrendous picture and perception of
women in the nation’s mindset.
All this in
a society where men control absolutely everything. Within the home fathers,
brothers and husbands, in their own way and with their supposedly God-given
powers do as they wish; to control women, to abuse them and destroy their lives
through such evil cultural practices as :
– a custom found in parts of Pakistan where girls, often minors, are given in
marriage or servitude to an aggrieved family as compensation to end disputes.
Vani is a form of arranged or forced child marriage, and the result of
punishment decided by a council of tribal elders.
kari – a practice of honour killing. The country has the highest number of
documented and estimated honour killings per capita of any country in the world.
such a killing is murder of a member of a family by other members, due to the
belief the victim has brought dishonour upon the family or community. The death
of the victim is viewed as a way to restore the reputation and honour of the
woman leaves the home she knows she is entering space that does not belong to
her. Men will treat her as if she is a wild animal who has escaped the jungle.
She will be raped by their looks alone, creating absolute terror for her. If a
man takes a fancy to her and she rejects his advances then he may resort to throwing
acid on her; a case of ‘if I cannot have you no one can’. If a woman ever looks
likely to gain the upper hand in a dispute with a man then he has the whole
social, legal, political and religious system on his side, to ensure that his
masculinity is not marred even the slightest.
If the rest
of the system is not enough then the Urdu language will step in with its rich
vocabulary that can be used by men and the general society to put the woman in
her lowest possible place. Labels such as: insolent, audacious, shameless,
impudent, impertinent, wicked, freedom-loving, pleasure-seeker, vagabond and,
if all else fails to categorise and castigate women then there is always
‘westernised’, a catch-all label that defines everything that is undesirable
demonstrate against their oppression, such as through the Aurat March (Women’s
March) they are subjected to propaganda from the media and especially from the
government and religious lobby:
are Western agents, being funded by the West
want too much freedom
are all lesbians
dress inappropriately and unacceptably
educated (too much education!) women are leading other women astray
moment they are born, women are unwelcome and seen as a burden. The birth of
the first girl maybe tolerated but the arrival of second or third girl in a
family will likely lead to visits by relatives to commiserate with her
for more laws. In reality it’s not a need for more laws it is fair and serious
implementation of existing laws, to protect women as free and equal human
beings. Above all what is needed is change of a toxic anti-woman culture where
men flaunt multiple wives, something that is supported by religious leaders as
a good thing. Men have created the culture for their own benefit, according to
rules that suit them and where they have a free-for-all in oppression of women.
is killed, raped, sexually assaulted, attacked when she leaves home… it is the
woman who is to blame. She is blamed whether she wishes to work, to be
educated, to leave home or indeed demands any rights as a human being.
According to the county’s justice system a woman is expected to put up abuse
from men. It is a laughing matter that if a woman wishes to bring a case of rape
or other assault or abuse against a man she will need witnesses.
Pakistani society abuse of women (and children) has skyrocketed to heights
never known before. Nowhere is safe for women. Even women parliamentarians are
abused and assaulted by their male colleagues, which makes it known for the
women that they are in a male space which does not welcome them.
system – from the lowest clerk to the highest office – is of the view that
women are to be blamed for their rape and murder. Even the Prime Minister Imran
Khan has blamed rape of women on their inappropriate dress. His comments have shaped
the national discourse. This led the activist and writer Noor Zaheer (author of
‘My God is Woman’ and ‘Denied by Allah’) to point out that inappropriate dress
accusation does not explain abuse of women. According to her, what the Prime
Minister said has been said for generations, where victims are blamed for their
abuse. So, the accusatory finger begins to point towards the victim and away
from the perpetrator. Such sexist attitudes are designed to limit the lives of
women. In any case what he said is nonsense when one is to look at
appropriately dressed women who are abused, such as those on the Hajj
The recent murder of Noor
Mukadam in Pakistan is a sad illustration of the problem of women in Pakistan.
Described by The Guardian newspaper as ‘gender terrorism epidemic’, it involved
the 27-year-old woman allegedly tortured and beheaded by the son of a business
tycoon. “In a country where so-called “honour” killings are common practice,
the brutality of the killing has forced Pakistan to confront its poor record on
gender-based violence.” The newspaper also reminded us that in the World Economic Forum’s global gender index, the country is
ranked 153 out of 156 countries, just above its Taliban-ravaged neighbour
Afghanistan. What is appalling in the situation is not that she was murdered,
which it is, but that the media and large sections of Pakistan society have
blamed the victim, for just being who she was and where she was i.e., in her
murderer’s house as if being there was an invitation to be deprived of her
a sick society where all systems and structures and institutional policies and
practices are anti-women. It is an unsafe environment for women; from cradle to
grave (yes, even after death they are not safe). So, what is it that women
Demands of Pakistani women
what women can take for granted in many countries and cultures, the demands of Pakistani
women are quite simple and basic. Central to their demands is equality with
men, in the home and outside; freedom of movement (including to access male
spaces); freedom of choice in matters such as relationships and life generally
(My body, My choice); freedom to travel; freedom to drive a car or
cycle/motorbike; equal access to work and opportunities; equal pay; freedom
from abuse and harassment; safety and dignity in the workplace and wider
society. In other words, women demand equality with men, in the home and
outside. They demand all the rights that are taken-for-granted in the wider civilised
global community, and which are their human rights within the United Nations
This blog was written by Dr Karamat Iqbal; Dr Serena Hussain; Imran Arif
The blog is based on a paper which accompanied a webinar on the British Pakistani community, which was organised by the Bradford-based charity QED Foundation on 23 April 2021 on behalf of Network of Pakistani Organisations UK (NPO-UK). The event was organised in response to the controversial findings of the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities, which was appointed by the UK government as a result of the disproportionate effect of the coronavirus pandemic on BAME communities and an upsurge in popular support for the Black Lives Matter movement after the murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police in 2020.
The 24-page Sewell Report was published in March 2021 and examined disparities in education, employment, crime, policing and health. However, some of its findings – and particularly its denial of institutional racism and conclusion that the roots of disadvantage are often as much to do with social class, ‘family’ culture and geography as ethnicity – have been widely criticised. QED Foundation works to support the social and economic advancement of disadvantaged communities and campaigns for public policy to meet the needs of specific ethnic minority groups. It set up NPO-UK to bring together organisations and activists supporting Britain’s 1.5 million people of Pakistani origin. The network helps members to share ideas and learn from each other, break down the barriers that hold their communities back and speak with a united voice.
Migration and background
World War II left Britain with a shortage of manpower,
as many of its industries required additional labourers to rebuild the nation.
It looked to its former colonies, and having not long departed, its recruitment
drive focused on personnel from the Caribbean, Pakistan, India and later
Bangladesh, as a direct result of its imperial legacy (Hussain 2008)
Although there was migration from British India prior to the 1950s – and regions within that which now constitute Pakistan – it was not until the post-War period that we began to see higher levels of in-migration of non-ethnic Europeans into Britain. In the case of Pakistanis, the vast majority were initially recruited to work within the steel and textile industries. Samad states that within the space of a decade – between 1951 to 1961- the Pakistani figure had risen from 5000 to 24,900. By 1991, the Pakistani community had grown to 476,000, 51 percent of them were born in the UK (Anwar 1996). Their pockets of settlement corresponded with the geographical location of these key industrial hubs – such as urban centres in Yorkshire, Lancashire, the West Midlands, Luton, Slough and East London. This arrival of the community in those neighbourhoods also coincided with ‘White flight’ – the White people moving out to settle in other, more affluent, areas.
We now know that a substantial majority of these
migrants were indeed from Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK), rather than Pakistan
proper. The primary reason is an existing relationship which two regions in the
erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) known as Mirpur and Poonch, had
with the British naval and armed forces prior to the partition of 1947. Harsh
policies under the ruling powers of J&K (the Dogra Raj; Hussain 2021) left
these predominately Muslim areas severely under developed as a deliberate
strategy to maintain control of the state. Furthermore, Muslims were seldom
recruited into formal positions in J&K and as a result needed to leave the
state for employment elsewhere.
The worst feature of the Dogra rule was its communal outlook which led to religious discrimination against the Muslims. This led to the marginalisation o the Muslims, including in the area that later became AJK. The disadvantages of the Muslims were made known to the outside world by Sir Albion Bannerji, the Foreign and Political Minister of Kashmir were ‘governed like dumb driven cattle’ (in Hussain, 2021)
During these early days Pakistanis and other minorities experienced racism in the form of Paki-bashing and signs on landlords’ windows such as ‘No Irish, No Blacks, No Dogs’. This further encouraged the minorities to live in areas where more of their community resided.
Policies, such as the Race Relations Act 1965, were introduced
to address the racism and provide equal opportunities for the minority communities.
The Act was followed by subsequent legislation, such as the Race Relations Act 1976,
which allowed for Positive Action to be implemented. This explained the meaning
There is under-representation for
these purposes only if, at any time during the previous 12 months either no
people from the racial group were doing the particular work at the
establishment in question, or the proportion of those doing the work at that
establishment coming from the particular racial group was small in comparison
with the proportion of all those employed at the establishment from that group,
or with the proportion of the population of the area from which the establishment
normally recruits who come from that racial group.
Under Section 38 of the legislation employers were
Encourage members of a particular racial
group to apply for particular work at an establishment where they are
Provide training for their existing
employees from a particular racial group to help fit them for particular work
at an establishment where their group is under-represented in that work.
Racial discrimination continued to be a feature of the
daily lives of the growing minority communities despite the policies. Anti-racist
movements were formed of all immigrant groups including British Pakistanis who began
to increase their participation within the Trade Unions and local level
politics. As a result of increased lobbying the Race Relations Amendment Act
2000 including a statutory duty on public bodies to promote race equality, and
to demonstrate that procedures to prevent race discrimination are effective.
Adopting the narrative of anti-racist movements –
namely from the US and South Africa – activity was often organised under the
umbrella term Black, which came to be used for all minorities, including
Asians. This led to research and policy responses to be focussed explicitly
on Black (meaning African Caribbean) groups (Gillborn 2008, p39). According to
the Black intellectual Stuart Hall (1991), Black was created as a political
category. “In the 1970s, for the first time, Black people recognized themselves
as Black” (p54). It was a political response by the Black community to adopt,
as their own, this term which, until then had been used pejoratively. He also
pointed out how the term then went onto ‘silence’ other minority identities
It had a certain way of
silencing the very specific experiences of Asian people. Because though Asian people
could identify, politically, in the struggle against racism, when they came to
using their own culture as the resources of resistance, when they wanted to
write out of their own experience and reflect on their own position, when they
wanted to create, they naturally created within the histories of the languages,
the cultural tradition, the positions of people who came from a variety of
different historical backgrounds. And just as Black was the cutting edge of a
politics vis-à-vis one kind of enemy, it could also, if not understood
properly, provide a kind of silencing in relation to another.
Later, Modood (2005, p47) pointed out that the
silencing could be seen in policy discourse, well into the late 1980s:
“as is reflected in
virtually all CRE publications, local authorities’ race discourse, academic
texts, the ‘quality’ press, radio and television, as well as in documents of
most central government departments and many large employers.”
Pakistanis also came to lose out when their particular needs were hidden under labels such as Asian, ethnic minorities, BAME and Muslim.
Data on Pakistanis
It was not until after the 1991 National Census for
Population in England and Wales that comprehensive data on ethnic minorities –
including Pakistanis – was available. This helped to make the case that different
service provision needs were required based on ethnicity. The well-known study
conducted by Modood and colleagues using the Fourth National Survey of Ethnic
Minorities (1997) demonstrated clearly how a ‘one size -or, in this case description
– fits all’ approach was inadequate in understanding community level dynamics.
The data showed the Pakistani population
in England and Wales recorded as 455363 and this increased to 1124511 in the
space of two decades. In terms of the actual share of the population,
Pakistanis formed less than 1% of all people in England and Wales in 1991, 1.4%
in 2001 and just over 2% in 2011. This constitutes a 1.1% increase compared to
0.86% increase for Indians. This can be
explained in part by a slightly younger age profile among Pakistanis, compared
We saw an increase in people from a Pakistani background
obtaining a degree or higher degree (level 4/5) qualification in 2011, with a
quarter of British Pakistanis aged 16 or over reporting this. There was also a notable
decrease in the proportion of Pakistanis reporting no qualifications between
2001 and 2011, with the figure being reduced from 41% to 25.5%. This is largely
a result of period of settlement and access to compulsory state education in
supports Modood and colleagues (1997) earlier findings, which reported
that people from some ethnic minority backgrounds, including Pakistanis, were
more likely to go on to higher education compared with the national average.
Pakistanis are among the most likely to own their own
homes. This figure was also high for British Indians and notably higher than
the national average. In 2011 Pakistanis were the most likely ethnic group
(minority and compared to the white majority) to live in a house that was not
shared with anyone other than their family members.
Pakistanis reported living in terraced housing more than any other group and this reflects the areas in which communities formed and the most frequently accessible housing that was available. Samad (page 6) for example writes, “In the UK in the Northern towns, Birmingham, Luton, Slough and parts of London there are Pakistani enclaves with high levels of housing concentration, a product of discrimination in the housing market and a propensity for home ownership (67% own their own homes) and lack of suitable social housing that can accommodate large families with average size of 4.4 persons per household.”
Samad points out the consequence of this; parts of some
British cites have localities that have high rates of concentration of
Pakistanis. As examples he offers Bradford, where Manningham ward has 60.1%
Pakistanis. And Birmingham, where Washwood Heath has 56.2% of the locality
populated not just by Pakistanis but usually members of the same biraderis
usually Kashmiri clans.
Like elsewhere, the foundations of the Pakistani concentration in Birmingham had been laid in the early 1960s (Jones 1967). The top five Council wards with the presence of Pakistanis were: Aston, Balsall Heath, Market Hall (inner ring ward no longer in existence), Sparkbrook and Saltley.
When our communities first arrived in the UK they settled wherever they could. This has led to segregation. It means our community does not always have contact with other communities. This is a particular problem for our young people. It is possible for a Pakistani child to grow up in a neighbourhood where he is surrounded by people of not just Pakistani background (which is diverse) but those who are from the same area in Pakistan, where his family came from. Majority maybe even his biraderi, the wider family. The child may have his nursery education, primary and secondary schooling and college education in such a neighbourhood. Given the cost of higher education the child, now adult, may go to a local university while staying with his parents. Such a person is not ready to face the wider world. If he were to venture out even a few miles he would discover numerous other ethnic communities with their own different ways. When accessing jobs and other opportunities in this wider world, as well as having the necessary qualifications he would need to be diversity-literate i.e. know how to survive and hopefully thrive amongst difference which maybe new to him. In particular, he would need to be ‘White-literate’, know and understand the ways of the majority community who control much of the power and opportunities. Such diversity-literacy is now seen as advantageous with an economic bonus. Ted Cantle, an expert in cohesion and diversity, told me in an email that “many employers are now looking for employees that can think in international or global terms, as that reflects their business. Applicants will lose out if they are not equipped for this.”
British Pakistanis continue to have a younger age profile compared with the national average. In 2011, only 3% of British Pakistanis were aged 70 or over compared with 5.5% of Indians and 11.6% of the population on a whole.
According to figures published by the ONS in 2020, Pakistanis are more likely to be self-employed compared with all other groups. Fifteen percent of all people nationally are self-employed; however, this increases to 25% for Pakistanis. Furthermore, previous census figures provide an insight into the kinds of industries and occupation type Pakistanis are concentrated. Sixteen percent of Pakistanis reported being in managerial or professional occupations, with a further 19.3 % reporting intermediate and 23.5 % indicating routine or manual occupations. Almost a quarter had either never worked or were long-term unemployed; and 16% were full-time students in 2011. Whatever the cultural or other explanations for this, the sort of jobs Pakistani are concentrated in are generally low paid and have limited prospects for progression, training and wage increases.
In terms of socioeconomic indicators, a report by the Resolution Foundation pointed out that (after Bangladeshis £16,400), Pakistanis have the lowest household income, at £16,600. The report also pointed out the low rate of employment amongst Pakistani women (37%, compared with 72% white females).
A report by Khan provided figures for median household wealth across ethnic groups. Pakistanis were reported as having an average accumulated wealth of £127,000 per household compared with £282,000 for White British and £266,000 for Indian households. However, the Pakistani figure was higher than that of Black Caribbean (89,000), Other Asian (£50,000) Bangladeshis and Black Africans (£28,000).
Understanding ethnic differentials
A combination of i) period
of settlement, ii) area of migration – in terms of whether it was rural or
urban and whether the skills brought with migrants were directly applicable to
a British landscape – in the form of ‘human capital’; iii) as well as accumulation of financial
capital on migration, all contributed to the ‘starting’ position of communities,
with some already being at an advantage compared with others. Modood for
example differentiated between African Asians and other Asian groups as the
former are ‘twice-migrants’ and already attained capital wealth and skills
during their settlement in Africa prior to migration to Britain. There are a
higher proportion of Indians among the twice-migrants.
there is now ample evidence of a ‘culture’ racism as well as a colour racism
experienced in the UK. Modood et al
(1997) argued that the common understanding of the ways racism works,
understates the current scale of the disadvantage of Pakistanis and
Bangladeshis, and takes no account either of cultural differences between South
Asians, or political alienation sometimes expressed in terms of a political
Muslim identity” (p. 147)
For example, some minority communities are perceived more positively than others are. In 2018 YouGov conducted a survey with the British public in which it was reported that immigrants from India scored higher in terms of how positively they were perceived (+25) compared with Pakistanis (-4) . These figures are calculated based on whether those surveyed believed Indian and Pakistani immigrants provided a negative or positive contribution.
The difference in figures is stark, yet not surprising given the culture racism discussed by some scholars which is very much related to being Muslim and the prevalence anti-Muslim prejudice.
(2017) found that even among British Muslims, some groups were more likely to
face greater levels of disadvantage than others, for example, Black Muslim
women scored the highest in terms of a number of socio-economic indicators when
compared to white Muslim men . Therefore, we know that racism is not
experienced as a blanket phenomenon, but impact some communities more than
others in terms of the way they are perceived at a societal level.
(2013) produced a case study of Birmingham which has the largest (14% of the
city, at 150,000) Pakistani population in the UK. Throughout the city’s
organisations and key decision-making bodies Pakistanis were underrepresented.
A number of these had a racially diverse workforce but when examined the racial
minorities were often Black Caribbean and Indian. For example Birmingham City
Council had set up employment targets in 2001: 5.3% for Indians and 6.9% for
Pakistanis. This was determined by the size of the two communities in the city.
A Freedom of Information request in 2020 pointed out that the City Council had
still not achieved its twenty-year old target for the Pakistanis; they were
5.6% of the workforce against their presence in the local population of 14%
(according to Census 2011). Indians in the Council workforce were 6.42%
compared with their presence in the City of 4.6% (according to Census
Discussion on ethnic penalties
Several theoretical issues are raised when
discussing the possession of wealth or the persistence of disadvantage through
differential labour market participation for minorities. Human capital amongst
these is a key area and much has been made of education as a means of tackling
racial disadvantage in order to accelerate social mobility (Berthoud 2000). However
expectations, alienation, stereotyping and the greater discrimination of some
groups are also areas discussed. Crucially it has been found that disadvantage
remains after controlling for a range of individual and area factors. At the
forefront of minority labour market progress and participation is the
discussion of ‘ethnic penalties’. Cheng
and Heath describe ethnic penalties as referring to:
“All sources of
disadvantage that might lead an ethnic group to fare less well in the labour
market than to similarly qualified Whites’ and that ‘discrimination is likely
to be the major component.” (1993:1).
Modood et al (1997) found that 20% of non-White
respondents believed they had been refused a job because of their ethnicity and
nearly half of those reporting this claimed to have had such an experience in
the five years prior to the survey.
Two studies using data from the Labour Force Survey
found that although all ethnic minority groups suffered an ethnic penalty these
were not at the same rate. It has in the past been suggested that Caribbean men
especially faced an ethnic penalty, however as Berthoud found African,
Pakistani and Bangladeshis were in a very similar position. And he wrote,
“Part but only a small part of disadvantage in the
labour market could be explained on the basis of the relatively low educational
qualifications achieved earlier in life: degree for degree, A ‘level for A
‘level young Pakistani and Bangladeshi men were worse off than their White
Modood et al (1997) found that all minority groups
under study were more likely to be unemployed than equally qualified Whites,
however, Pakistani and Bangladeshi males suffered the highest penalty and Indian
males the smallest. In addition, analysis of similarly qualified candidates for
courses in higher education it was discovered that Caribbean and Pakistani
students had lower chances of entry to the red brick and more prestigious
universities. They argue that penalties vary considerably between minority
groups. For their analysis they used maximum likelihood methods to demonstrate
that ethnic penalties experienced by minorities are not fully explained by
differences in human capital and personal characteristics. They concluded that
at least some of the disadvantage experienced by ethnic minorities can be
credited to discriminatory selection practice by employers.
Becker (1971) also argues that when hired the
discriminated group are paid a wage lower than their actual productivity. Discrimination in selection processes is, therefore,
coherent with lower occupational status as well as higher unemployment and
lower average earnings for ethnic minorities. This certainly fits in with
descriptions of Muslim graduates who managed to gain employment within
successful companies but who felt that they did not fit in with the ‘office
culture’, were unable to participate in many aspects of ‘team building’
particularly where they are limited in socialising with colleagues or felt
uncomfortable with the pub lunches and after work business dinner venues.
Blackaby et al (1997) suggest that the higher rates of unemployment for some groups may be more socially damaging than simple wage inequality. There are arguments regarding groups who are aware that they face greater levels of marginalisation and differential incorporation resulting in a loss of desire for social mobility within a society which is viewed as alien. Young men who see themselves as being denied jobs on grounds of their ethnicity may adopt alternative lifestyles in which resentment of the social structure can lead to conflict with the establishment.
Pakistanis are still the most likely to live in poverty and deprivation, where families can become locked into disadvantage for generations. In the House of Commons report: ‘Child Poverty in the UK’, it was pointed out that 26% of white children lived in income poverty compared with 75% Pakistani children (but only 22% Indian children). The disadvantage can be apparent in multiple domains – employment, health, and quality of their accommodation.
The most concentrated pockets of deprivation are found among
ethnic minority groups, particularly Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Black groups. p38
People in the most deprived neighbourhoods tend to be
disadvantaged across multiple aspects of life. Pakistani and Bangladeshi people
were overrepresented in the most deprived neighbourhoods in England: 31% or
around 346,000 of the Pakistani population and 28% or around 113,000 of the Bangladeshi
population lived in the most deprived 10% of neighbourhoods in England. p40-41
Homeownership figures are: Indian 74%; White British: 68%;
Pakistanis: 58%. p40
The life chances of the child of a Harrow-raised British
Indian accountant and the child of a Bradford-raised British Pakistani
taxi-driver are as wide apart as they are, partly because of the UK’s economic
The employment rates for the White British and Indian ethnic
groups were 77% and 76% respectively in 2019. For some others it was
significantly lower at 69% for Black people, and 56% for people in the combined
Pakistani and Bangladeshi ethnic group (this last figure is the result of a much
lower female participation rate). p105
The pandemic is likely to have a mixed impact on the
employment rate and financial stability of ethnic minority groups. For example,
working in sectors shut down by the pandemic and being self-employed is
particularly prevalent among Pakistani and Bangladeshi men. p108
The hourly median pay gap between all minorities and the
White British ethnic group has shrunk to 2.3%, its smallest level since 2012
when it was 5.1%.223 This headline figure hides some large variations: the
Pakistani ethnic group earned 16% less on average than the White British group.
Most ethnic groups are now broadly level with the White
ethnic group in terms of occupational class….with the exception of men from the
Black Caribbean and combined Pakistani and Bangladeshi ethnic groups. p112
Meanwhile, Pakistani/Bangladeshi men along with Black
African and Black Caribbean men, were the most vulnerable to unemployment in
times of economic downturn, with the chances of getting a position in the top
occupational class also declining over the decades for first generation
Pakistani/Bangladeshi men. p112
The Bear Report
In the recent report by Laura Bear, for the ethnicity subgroup of Sage (the Scientific Advisory Group) has shed further light on the Pakistani (and Bangladeshi) community. While her focus was on Covid-19, it does point to the more general situation of the community. The following information is directly quoted from her report.
…our findings show that multiple disadvantages faced by
ethnic groups join together to produce infection and death from Covid-19.
In summary, (Pakistani) experience more chronic,
debilitating health conditions at a younger age due to health disparities. They
mainly work in jobs in small-scale retail, transportation and hospitality,
leading to greater exposure to Covid-19. Being precarious employees or business
owners means that they are less able to negotiate paid sick leave or to stay
home when unwell.
Health inequities: British Pakistani men and women have the highest levels of
self-reported poor health of all ethnic groups. Pakistanis suffer severe,
debilitating underlying conditions at a younger age and more often than other
minority ethnic groups due to health inequalities. They are more likely to have
two or more health conditions that interact to produce greater risk of death
from Covid-19 (high confidence).
Occupation: Pakistanis are more likely to be involved in: work that
carries risks of exposure (e.g. retail, hospitality, taxi driving); precarious
work where it is more difficult to negotiate safe working conditions or absence
for sickness; and small-scale self-employment with a restricted safety net and
high risk of business collapse (high confidence).
In late September into October 2020, when case numbers were
rising rapidly across most UK regions, hospitality and non-essential retail was
kept open, exposing workers to risk of infection. When the UK entered a
national lockdown on 5th November, essential retail remained open along with
takeaway services even as numbers of cases rose steeply. At this point the
relatively more transmissible variant emerged, creating a potentially greater
risk of exposure for Pakistani and Bangladeshi groups who remained unable to
work from home.
Precarity of Work: Pakistanis are also more likely to work in precarious work
(short-term, contractual work, usually without union protection (high
confidence). In this situation it is difficult to negotiate sick-leave, and if
sick-leave is taken employees may be dismissed or penalised with shorter hours.
The economic downturn is likely to have affected Bangladeshi and Pakistani
communities disproportionately especially because of their profile of
precarious work and self-employment.
Self-employment: (where incomes may be especially uncertain) is also more prevalent
amongst Pakistani men. Pakistani men are over 70% more likely to be
self-employed than White British men. This presents distinct difficulties in
reducing the risk of exposure or self-isolating in the event of symptoms, as
most self-employed work among Pakistani men involves contact with the public.
Non-attendance at work would risk business’ viability, in part because
government measures only offered one-off loans to small businesses and
initially did not support the self-employed.
Household circumstances among Pakistani families amplify
disadvantage due to higher numbers of multigenerational households, family
members with chronic, disabling illness (at a younger age) and women involved
in care work for family or others
Stigma: Pakistanis face intersecting forms of stigma and racism
relating to their ethnic and their religious identity, and triggering events
intensify experiences of stigma, including media coverage and central
government Covid-19 interventions, for instance introducing restrictions during
celebrations such as Eid and Ramadan. Stigma can cause health inequalities,
drive morbidity and mortality, and undermine access to health services (medium
confidence). 8. Over-burdened health services
generally a determinant of success or failure in life. With reference to the
Pakistani children it has been known that they have been behind many of the
larger ethnic groups.
first became available, in 1991, it was found that Pakistani children were
underachieving. At this point 37% of white students were achieving 5AC at GCSE.
The figure was 38% for Indian and 26% for Pakistani children. Since then
Pakistani children have been playing catch-up. They have continued to do better
but so have other children.
Report states that:
Education is the single most emphatic success story of the
British ethnic minority experience.
As we have seen, not all ethnic minority groups are
succeeding. In particular, the Commission acknowledges the need to support
Black Caribbean, Mixed White and Black Caribbean, Traveller of Irish Heritage,
Gypsy and Roma, and Pakistani boys from low socio-economic backgrounds, and
lower socio-economic status White British pupils. P70
In 2019, Pakistani
children were 4.4% of the population in English schools overall. However, in
nursery schools Pakistani children made up 9% of the children, which points to
the future school population.
The Casey Review pointed out that in 2014 nearly 10,000 Pakistani children had left school without the benchmark 5+ A*-C grades including English and maths GCSEs. The most recent data on this is shown below.
Pakistani children have not succeeded in education
like other groups.
Numbers and percentage of pupils NOT
getting a strong pass (grade 5 or above) in English and maths GCSE by ethnicity
2019-2020 school year (P55)
White British 194,574 50.8%
Pakistani 12,671 52.2%
Black African 10,500 49.3%
Indian 4,774 29.6%
Black Caribbean 4810 65.2%
Bangladeshi 4428 42.7%
Gypsy/Roma 1244 91.9%
Chinese 399 20.4%
The situation in 2018 was similar, as shown in the
The largest number of ethnic minority pupils leaving
school without the benchmark qualifications of 5 good GCSEs are British
Pakistani children. That amounts to nearly 13000 children. It is worth asking
what happens to these children. How many
become involved in crime? How many end up in prison? What sort of citizens,
neighbours, employees do they become? Many are boys. Bearing in mind Pakistani
girls do better in education, what sort of husbands and fathers do the boys
become? The big question is: who is going to speak up about this problem?
Members of Parliament, local councillors, Pakistani organisations?
Related to education and employment are the figures for the teacher workforce. There is a serious shortage of Pakistani teachers. The situation is even worse at deputy and headteacher level.
As well as addressing the underrepresentation of Pakistanis in the teaching workforce, we need more representation on school governing bodies and at the structural levels of education in the UK.
It is the (Sewell) Commission’s belief that all professions should
seek to represent the communities they serve. P76
Findings from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization (UNESCO) suggest that teacher diversity makes it more
likely that children of different backgrounds (whether ethnic, disability,
class and so on) will have someone who understands their background and a role
model to look up to.p125
Experiences from the Commission’s call for evidence also
highlight that although teachers from ethnic minorities are valuable in that
they bring their lived experiences to the classroom and push for a broader
Ethnic minorities are also under-represented in school
governance. 94% of governors and trustees who took part in the National
Governance Association (NGA) survey identified as White, 1% identified as
Black, 2% identified as Asian, and 1% identified as having Mixed ethnicity.p128
Diverse boards, that are reflective of school communities,
can ensure that decisions taken are in the interest of all pupils, thereby
increasing the confidence of parents and wider communities in these decisions. p75
Here, it is
necessary to point out that diversity is essential in service organisations.
Where the staff are representative of a community, in this case the Pakistanis,
they are more likely to provide an appropriate and culturally competent
service. And where the decision-making bodies are diverse they are more likely
to reflect the views of the Pakistani community. It is the community’s
democratic right to speak for itself in such bodies.
Report has asked the Department for Education to produce guidance on data
collection, monitoring and analysis to better support understanding and drive
policy interventions in this area, engaging and collaborating with local
authorities across the UK because of the importance of local context and local
data. It would be good for NPO (Network of Pakistani Organisations) to write a
letter to DfE, to make sure there is proper focus on Pakistani as a data
Aspirations play a key role in education. This
influences whether young people go to university and/or the type of jobs they
do. According to the Sewell Report the aspirations of Pakistani boys are
reasonably high but lower than Pakistani girls. The report (p97) also points
out that Pakistani graduates earn the least of all major ethnic groups.
Homework and extra-curricular activities
Report emphasises the importance of homework and participation in
The contribution of parents to supporting a child’s learning
is significant and a stable home provides a supportive context for children to
complete homework, ask for assistance and develop their confidence and
Previous research has found that Indian students are the
ethnic group most likely to complete homework five evenings a week. P70
On average, across OECD countries, students who have access
to a room for homework at school scored 14 points higher in reading than
students without access to a room for homework. P84
Elite universities, for example, often look for evidence of
extra-curricular activity such as volunteering when selecting students. p98
Pakistani children (Iqbal 2018) has shown that homework is an issue for them.
Many, especially those from poorer families, do not have quiet space in which
to do their homework. Many children do not have the time to their homework as
they go to the madrassah after school and by the time they return home they are
too tired. Even if they do manage to do the homework, many do not have someone
to help them with it. One solution could be the setting up of homework clubs in
the madrassah, with help from the local schools.
Moreover, such children missed out on extra-curricular
activities which are an important part of education. According to Iqbal (2018)
such activities have been said to be beneficial especially for low socioeconomic
status students. There is now emphasis on cultural literacy and cultural
capital in education. Participation in extracurricular activities is said to be
one source of such literacy and capital. Extracurricular activities enable children
to acquire a valuable set of white-collar work skills – how to set priorities,
manage an itinerary, shake hands with strangers, and work on a team. Research
has shown that students who participated in extracurricular activities did
better academically than their peers.
According to Ofsted education outside the classroom
leads to improved outcomes in achievement, motivation, personal development and
behaviour. It also provides extra depth to pupils’ learning and experience. Young
people who participate in such activities tend to have higher test scores, a positive
academic attitude and better attendance. Participation in extracurricular
activities has implications for community cohesion as it is an opportunity for
pupils to interact with those outside of their own ethnic group. Those who
participate in them meet many new people, who they otherwise would not
encounter. This facilitates encounters between young people from different
ethnic and faith groups and leads to better understanding, thereby building
community cohesion and tackling the tensions between different groups in the
Research has shown that extra-curricular activities
enabled young people to gain entry to university and lead successful lives in
the workplace. They pointed out that whilst academic grades were the most
important factor considered by university admissions teams, evidence of
extra-curricular activities remains an important part of the application
process for 97% of respondents. Universities most value evidence of
extra-curricular activities when deciding between applicants with similar
grades and for courses that have an interview stage. Majority of universities
indicated that it was important for students to demonstrate experience beyond
academic achievements in their university applications and that 20- 30% of a
student’s personal statement should be focused on extra-curricular experience. The
capital that results from such activities can lead to familiarity with the
dominant culture in society and ability to understand and use educated
For students who apply to Oxford, cultural knowledge has
been found to play a significant role, alongside academic attainment, “perhaps
because it allows the applicant to persuade the admissions tutors that they
have the right sort of intellectual breadth and potential, which may not be
adequately assessed by examination results”. The children also missed out on
extra teaching activities. They were not able to stay and develop friendships
with children from other ethnic groups. After they had been to the mosque they
did not have enough time to do their homework. They were also too tired.
Mosques could work in partnership with local schools
and organise homework groups as well. The children are there already. Mosques
are quiet places which is what the children need for their homework and
something they do not always have at home.
Extended school day
The Sewell Report proposes an extended school day, prioritising disadvantaged areas to provide pupils with the opportunity to engage in physical and cultural activities that enrich lives and build social and cultural capital. The Pakistani community are named here as being two groups in particular who would benefit from this provision. This would need to be fitted in to or around the children’s attendance at the mosque. Simultaneously, there is a need for good quality supplementary education. We have to be demanding on our mosque and madrassah teachers to provide a good quality and rounded education, which makes learning applicable to everyday life.
A report on home learning and schools’ provision of distance teaching during school closure of COVID-19 lockdown in the UK has found inequalities experienced by Pakistani children.
Children receiving free school meals, from single-parent
households, with less-educated parents, and with Pakistani and Bangladeshi
heritage spend significantly less time on schoolwork at home than their peers
during the COVD-19 school closure.
Children with Pakistani and Bangladeshi backgrounds spend
the least amount of time on home learning and are overrepresented in not
receiving distance teaching provisions.
… we find children who previously received free school
meals, those from lower-educated and single-parent families, and those with
Pakistani or Bangladeshi backgrounds devote significantly less time to
schoolwork at home during the COVID-19 lockdown in the UK.
… primary and secondary school children with Pakistani or
Bangladeshi backgrounds (P/B) spend substantially less time on home learning…
As there are proportionally more children with Pakistani or
Bangladeshi backgrounds who are in school but do not receive any schoolwork,
the extent of disadvantage these children experience might be even larger than
That is, it is not ethnicity that makes Pakistani or
Bangladeshi children study less each day; rather, their schools are less involved
in ongoing learning. These schools may have fewer resources, or they may be in
areas more affected by the pandemic.
The Sewell Report made these comments on Pakistani
Women in the Pakistani/Bangladeshi group also tend to have
persistent disadvantages relative to White women in terms of both employment
status and class position. Three quarters of the first generation and around
half of the second-generation women in this group were economically inactive,
although the situation has improved in the current decade. p112
More than half of women in the Pakistani and Bangladeshi ethnic groups are economically inactive, compared with a quarter of White women. This helps explain why Pakistani and Bangladeshi families are disproportionately represented in lower income deciles…. adults from a Bangladeshi and Pakistani background were the most likely not to speak English well or at all. p43
There are a number of particular health problems faced by the community. Pakistani men have the highest rate of heart disease in UK and Pakistanis are 5 or 6 times more likely to have type 2 diabetes.
From time to time the issue of infant and perinatal mortality appears in relation to the Pakistani community. Two recent reports have focused on this issue in the West Midlands. According to one report:
…proposed causal factor for this is the higher rates of
consanguineous relationships in the Pakistani community. It was found that
49.9% of Pakistani mothers were in consanguineous relationships, compared to
15.9% across the whole cohort.
Only mothers from Pakistan had a statistically significantly higher proportion of stillbirths compared to mothers born in the UK
The other report pointed out that while there are 14% Pakistanis in Birmingham they account “for 34% of total child deaths, 45% of chromosomal, congenital and genetic deaths and 21% of perinatal and neonatal deaths.” The “prevalence of the West Midlands consanguineous unions was around 50% in Pakistani mothers”. ,
Muslims make up 4 % of the population but currently
are 15% of the prison population. What are the causes of this
disproportionality? What are the links with educational underachievement? What
are the other causes? The issue deserves our attention.
Pakistanis were late arrivals in the UK, certainly as a settled community, with families and children, as a result of the ‘myth of return’:
For many years Pakistani
men in the UK were of the view that they were here temporarily and would return
home after they have made enough money. This meant they did little towards
settling down. Meanwhile, other communities (such as Black Caribbean and
Indian) had begun to settle down and engage with struggles for equality.
The myth only became articulated and known as such at the publication of Anwar’s book (1979). They were already disadvantaged as a community, going back generations under the Dogra and British rule. Upon arrival in the UK they were behind other minority groups and have stayed behind. The disadvantage has continued to be passed onto the younger generation causing them to underachieve in education. They in turn will pass it to their children unless steps are taken otherwise.
Often Pakistani disadvantage and exclusion can be hidden in umbrella categories such as BAME, BME, Asian and Muslim. This is especially so where the advantaged communities such as Indian and Chinese are included. In Birmingham, it was found (Iqbal 2013) that a number of organisations (Birmingham City Council, Birmingham University) had a diverse/BAME/BME/Asian workforce. However, when the data were unpicked it was discovered that Pakistanis were underrepresented or completely absent. Khan has made a similar argument, with reference to BME graduates.
If, say, a target for a greater number of BME graduates were applied, this would most likely benefit Chinese and Indian people before benefiting Black, Bangladeshi or Pakistani people. This is, in fact, what we observe in the Civil Service fast stream, where the overall BME proportion now nearly (but not quite) matches the overall population, while very few Black Caribbean, Bangladeshi and Pakistani origin people are appointed, and almost none are appointed in some year. p15
It is good to see the Sewell Report support diversity
across “all professions”:
It is the Commission’s belief that all professions should
seek to represent the communities they serve.
teacher diversity makes it more likely that children of
different backgrounds will have someone who understands their background and a
role model to look up to.
Ethnic minorities are also under-represented in school
Diverse boards, that are reflective of school communities,
can ensure that decisions taken are in the interest of all pupils, thereby
increasing the confidence of parents and wider communities in these decisions.
Unless there is a specific and targeted focus on the
Pakistani community’s representation in organisations as employees and
decision-makers, the community will continue to be absent or poorly
Such targeted focus to address the problem will require
positive steps. This has been allowed, as Positive Action, under the equality
legislation since as far back as the 1976 Race Relations Act but has made
little difference to the community. What is required is a change in law, to
allow Positive Discrimination for the Pakistanis. Only then will we see a truly
representative workforce and decision-makers – across the education sector,
service organisations, professions, employers – and achievement in education
that compares favourably with communities such as the Indians, Chinese and now
Bangladeshi. Such a change in the law will require the support of elected
representatives; the councillors and the Members of Parliament and campaigning
organisations. With a levelled playing field Pakistanis will then be in a
position to compete with others more fairly.
There has been little discussion of such an idea. With
reference to Birmingham (Iqbal 2013), it was suggested that given the wholesale
exclusion of Pakistanis, from opportunities and power, a city-wide Positive
Action scheme should be put into place across all institutions. Since then Khan
has supported a similar approach in his report. He has pointed out that, while arguments
for specific policies are not well understood in society, the “response,
however, should be to adopt a variety of targets for different BME groups, and
especially to target those that are most disadvantaged” (p15).
Causes of differential
the Sewell Report the causes of unequal outcomes for some ethnic groups are not
just to do with racism but are caused by broader factors.
The picture of educational achievement across ethnic groups
is complex, and different social, economic and cultural factors contribute to
this: parental income levels, parental career and educational achievement,
geography, family structure, and attitudes towards education within the family
and wider community.
Pay determining characteristics used by the ONS here are the
following: ethnicity; country of birth; occupation; highest qualification
level; age; sex; marital status; working pattern; disability status; working in
the public or private sector; geography; whether they have children or not.
For many key health outcomes, including life expectancy, overall mortality and many of the leading causes of mortality in the UK, ethnic minority groups have better outcomes than the White population. This evidence clearly suggests that ethnicity is not the major driver of health inequalities in the UK but deprivation, geography and differential exposure to key risk factors.
David Goodhart, a Commissioner on the Equality and Human Rights Commission posed the following question? which is worth reflecting on by the British Pakistani community:
Which differences in group outcomes arise from some unfair
form of discrimination such as racism and which arise from behaviour patterns
and preferences associated with a particular group?
Anwar, M. 1979. The Myth of Return. London: Heinemann.
Anwar, M. 1996. British Pakistanis. Warwick. CRER
(Centre for Race and Ethnic Relations).
Ballard, R. 1991 “Azad Kashmir: the View from
Mirpur”, in Economic and Political Weekly, Bombay pp. 513 – 517
Becker, G. (1971). The Economics of Discrimination.
Series: (ERS) Economic Research Studies.
Berthoud, R. 2000. Ethnic employment penalties in
Britain. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 26:3, 389-416, DOI:
Blackaby, D., Leslie, D. and Murphy, P. (1995).
Unemployment among Britain’s ethnic minorities, Discussion Paper 95–103,
Department of Economics, University of Wales, Swansea.
Cheng, Y and Heath, A. 1993. Ethnic origins and
class destinations. Oxford Review of Education, 19: 151–165.
Gillborn, D. 2008. Racism and education – coincidence
or conspiracy? London: Routledge.
Hall, S. 1991. Old and new identities; old and new
ethnicities, in ed. King, A. Culture globalisation and the
Hussain, S. 2008.
Muslims on the Map: A National Survey of Social Trends in Britain.
Hussain, S. 2017. An Overview of Muslims in Britain. Runnymede Trust
Hussain, Serena (2021) Society and Politics of Jammu and Kashmir. Palgrave MacMillan
Hussain and Rehman (2021) Mirpur: From Magnificence to
Marginalisation to Migration, in ed. Hussain, Serena, Society and Politics of Jammu and Kashmir. Palgrave Macmillan
Iqbal, K. 2013. Dear Birmingham. Bloomingdale:
Iqbal, K. 2018. British Pakistani boys, education
and the role of religion: in the land of the Trojan Horse. Routledge.
Jones, P. 1967. The segregation of immigrant
communities in the city of Birmingham, 1961. University of Hull.
Modood, T. (2005). Multicultural politics – racism,
ethnicity and Muslims in Britain. Edinburg: Edinburgh University Press.
Modood, T., Berthoud, R., Lakey, J., Nazroo, J.,
Smith, P., Virdee, S. and Beishon, S. (1997) Ethnic Minorities in Britain:
Diversity and Disadvantage. Series: PSI report (843). Policy Studies
Dr Karamat Iqbal
Karamat left school at 16, with few
qualifications. 9 years later he achieved his Bachelor of Education. Later, he
achieved a Masters and now a PhD. He has worked as a Youth Worker, Teacher,
Community Relations Officer and Deputy Director: Equalities. Karamat has worked
as a Schools Adviser and consultant for government departments. His work has
been used in Parliament. Karamat has written on education and diversity: ‘Dear
Birmingham’ (about Pakistani exclusion) and the report: Arts & Cultural
Needs of Birmingham’s Pakistani Communities; and most recently, British
Pakistani boys, education and the role of religion. He blogs for Optimus
Education and volunteers as a Hospital Chaplain.
Dr Serena Hussain
Serena is an Associate Professor. She completed
her PhD in Sociology at the University of Bristol and a Post-Doctoral
Fellowship in Geography at the University of Oxford. Before joining the Centre
for Trust Peace and Social Relations, Serena acted as the Principal Scientist
on International Migration and Multiculturalism at Charles Darwin University in
Australia. She has worked as an expert consultant for a number of British
government departments, with organisations such as Ipsos MORI, BBC World
Service and Islamic Relief Worldwide. Her recent book, ‘Society and Politics of
Jammu and Kashmir’ was published earlier this year.
Imran is a professional educator, who has
worked in various roles and at different levels of education in the UK. He
gained his MA in Education from the University of Leeds. Imran has also worked
as a process and dialogue facilitator and as a social researcher on a number of
academic and community-based projects. His teaching and research interests span
the areas of the social sciences, with a particular interest in social
psychology, comparative religion, and philosophy of education.
The book in my view had an unfair advantage. Given its subject matter – the unique, pioneering, role model for many (beyond his own community) – the writers could not go wrong. Mohammed Ajeeb CBE; a true leader.
The book helps us to learn about the person (according to those who have known him) whose life’s journey has been one of ambition, endeavour, courage, perseverance, self-discipline and unflinching resolve. They have also described him as articulate, forthright and engaging. As a researcher into the Pakistani Kashmiri community, you can guess my joy at being provided another excellent reference book, which has already been referenced in my next book on education. So, my heartfelt gratitude to Ishtiaq Ahmed, Yaqub Nizami, Zaffar Tanveer and Dr Sufyan Abid Dogra for producing the excellent book: Muhammad Ajeeb CBE – Rising Above Ordinariness.
The book takes us on a journey into the story of multicultural development in British society. It also offers us a glimpse of the internal workings of the Pakistani community. We learn about people living in crowded accommodation and making do with very limited food choice:
We lived in a four-bedroom house with 18 other males…. For the first two years we could not purchase any halal meat and therefore we had to make do with eggs, tins of beans, processed peas, cauliflower and potatoes and not much else. p14
The ‘push’ factor of migration.
The village, Chattro, in Mirpur Azad Kashmir, had little promise for his future life. His father, a hard-working sole bread earner, a mason by profession, could only afford the high school education that was locally available for him. Had he remained living there…he would have ended up in menial clerical jobs… Therefore, he decided to leave his birthplace and move to Karachi, which in those days was a good place (for work and part time education). p56
We learn about the efforts of the earlier migrants from our community who had little, who travelled far and who achieved much despite hostilities of racism and poverty. I wonder whether the subsequent generations, especially the current youth, could follow suit in accessing the opportunities that the world offers.
We learn that there was greater integration of the Pakistani community in the earlier days of migration. The men in the community were more willing to interact with the majority white community, at workplace, neighbourhood and public houses.
While others in his community were still of the view that England was a temporary workplace from which they would return to Pakistan he had bought a house, been appointed to the Race Relations Board and joined the Labour Party, which was to become the vehicle for his most significant achievement, becoming the first Muslim Lord Mayor in the U.K. Given their acceptance that they were in someone else’s space, many in his community overlooked racial abuse; not him. Once he walked out of a job because the supervisor was being racist towards him.
The word ‘community’ is a broad and inclusive one when it comes to a person of Ajeeb Sahib’s stature, given his ability and willingness to relate to, and work with, all peoples, regardless of ethnicity, religion or any other differences. So, it is befitting that, in addition to the Pakistani community, the book includes plaudits from a range of people – Hindu, Sikh, Caribbean and Christians…
“Just look at our backgrounds. Mohammed Ajeeb, a Muslim from Mirpur, Azad Kashmir; myself a Hindu from Jinja, Uganda, of Gujarati Indian origin…living, working, playing in peace and harmony in Bradford, in the U.K.. I feel blessed and proud to have him as my Elder Brother.” p69.
His appeal was broader and more mainstream. He was not a BME politician but a Labour Party politician.
“Ajeeb never tried to crawl into the limiting and belittle shell of an ethnic Pakistani or Kashmiri or Mirpuri or clan-based Councillor of a biraderi; but always took pride in being a Labour Party Councillor.”
One writer pointed out:
His abiding legacy is the instilling in each one of us…the belief, confidence, conviction, and capacity to engage and operate across political and community divides, in the pursuit of common objectives and in the changing of people’s lives for the better. p29
His achievements are worth acknowledging and celebrating at any time. But they take on a special worth given their uniqueness and pioneering nature.
… in the history of British Pakistanis, he stands the tallest, just like the Lister Mills Chimney that dominates the horizon in hilly Bradford, giving people a sense of direction.”
A man who “has never shied away from addressing difficult issues within the Muslim communities.”
His inspirational life was summed up by two writers in these words:
By his achievements he has demonstrated that barriers could be overcome and that it is possible to chart a path to success to the highest level, even in a racially hostile climate and under adverse conditions. p29
(He has) risen above party political lines and social and cultural affiliations to speak openly and honestly on important matters that matter to all of us. He has not shied away from controversy and he has not been frightened of criticism….p71
I recommend the book for adults and the younger generation across all our diverse communities; so that they gain an appreciation of the post-war development of our society and are better able to build on the foundations laid.
Education is powerful. It transforms lives. Getting it ‘right’ is key especially for the most disadvantaged. Deprivation should not determine destination (sadly, it does). As a former free school meal child, I’ve observed this first hand.
This is my first post on my new blog. The aim of the blog will be to codify the success I have had in leading school improvement with a focus on raising outcomes. I will draw on my reading of research, articles and books, which have formulated my thinking and underpinned decision making. I plan to share how I have implemented strategies which have resulted in measurable impact. This includes working as part of team to transform a school from Special Measures (December 2016) to Good (March, 2018) within 15 months. This was followed by securing the best ever GCSE results in the school’s history in Summer 2019.
From the outset, I would like to state, there will be ‘no silver bullets’, no magic formulas and no jazz hand initiatives. That said, I will discuss strategies that are incredibly simple and if implemented successfully, do work.
I have three tips which have been fundamental in my journey of driving school improvement and raising outcomes.
1. Keep it simple, make it work
Improving outcomes is not glamorous. It relies on meticulous planning, focusing on the tiny details and using data effectively to ask the right questions. Rather than hundreds of initiatives, focus on a few in detail and make them work. This leads me onto tip 2.
2. The power of three
Over the years, I have seen teachers working incredibly hard with little to no impact. Often, I have found, one of the underlying reasons for this is that there are multiple initiatives going on, all at the same time, with staff pulled in different directions with little clarity. This results in the age old saying, Jack of all trades, master of none.
Many have said this before, and I completely agree, focus on a maximum of three strategies in an academic year. These three strategies should be rooted in research that is known to have impact. The strategies should be understood by all and implemented gradually overtime (meticulous planning). Quality assurance activities should focus on these initiatives and CPD planning should be informed by the findings from monitoring.
3. Names not numbers
Leading on outcomes, I have often seen the focus on percentages. Pages and pages of data with every subgroup possible. Again, here, I suggest you focus on up to three subgroups (where are the attainment and progress gaps in your school – they may overlap; for example: White British, more able disadvantaged boys). Behind every number is a child, and that’s what the focus should be on.
Of course, published performance headlines matter, but that is the end result. Building up to this point, every child should be discussed across every subject. This led me to launch the names behind the numbers campaign in September 2017. Students were discussed at a teacher level, department level, and whole school level. This resulted in every child being known, valued and understood. The impact, the best GCSE results in the school’s history in summer 2019 including Maths and Science being in line with or above national at Grade 4+, 5+ and 7+. Both these subjects were judged inadequate in December 2016.
I am going to develop my three main tips into individual blogs. Which one do you think I should focus on first?
Thank you Naveed
I am a Vice Principal in a secondary school in a London Borough. By choice I have focused my teaching career on empowering students from areas of social and educational disadvantage. I firmly believe education can be a route to delivering social justice and transforming lives.
My school has been on a transformational journey improving from Special Measures (December 2016) to Good (March 2018). Subsequently, the following year, the school achieved its best ever GCSE results in Summer 2019. I am driven by social justice as a result have focused my teaching career working in schools in areas of social and educational disadvantage. Over the course of my career, I have developed a vast amount of knowledge, skills and experiences in school improvement and raising outcomes. I am an aspiring headteacher